The war is 15 weeks old. On the battlefield, we see inspiring displays of courage and sacrifice. In Israel, we see despair, a sense that despite the gains of the Israel Defense Forces, Hamas has not been defeated and the return of the hostages is receding.

Basic assumptions: 1. Israel must eliminate Hamas' ability to govern the Gaza Strip and to threaten us. 2. Israel has no interest in remaining in Gaza permanently. 3. The Gazans are not going anywhere. 4. It is vital to identify a responsible body to assume permanent, legitimate rule of the Strip once Hamas' capabilities have been eliminated.

Israel is a sovereign state that acts in accordance with its interests in matters that are critical to its security, even when it is contrary to the position of the United States. The U.S. is called upon to respect our sovereignty, but its support for Israel is a cornerstone of our security. It deters Hezbollah and Iran, supplies arms, vetoes resolutions in the UN Security Council and supports us in The Hague. It stands at the head of the "axis of stability" that we are a part of, against the Russian-backed "axis of resistance": Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis.

Two months ago, the United States presented Israel with a proposal that meets the common interests of both countries, and that is still on the table, as follows: After Hamas' capabilities are eliminated, an inter-Arab force drawn from members of the "axis of stability" will be established to administrate the Strip for a limited period. During this interim, Gaza will return to the control of a "revitalized" Palestinian Authority, whose right to govern the territory is recognized internationally, subject to security arrangements that are acceptable to Israel. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates will back the revitalized PA financially and underwrite reconstruction and infrastructure work.

The American proposal is the only practical blueprint, and in exchange, Israel will have to take part in future talks toward a two-state solution. The proposal's chances of success diminish the more Israel is seen to be faltering. For around three months now, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has prevented discussion of "the day after" in the inner cabinet. This is unconscionable. The IDF cannot optimize the probability of winning when there is no defined political goal. In the absence of a realistic goal, we will end up mired in the Gaza quagmire, fighting simultaneously in Lebanon and in the West Bank, eroding the American backing and endangering the Abraham Accords and the peace agreements with Egypt and with Jordan.

This kind of conduct drags Israel's security into the abyss. One can argue the U.S. proposal is bad; one cannot keep it from being discussed during a war when combatants are being killed. Standing between Israel and a feasible solution are Netanyahu himself and his extortionists, ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. They block Israel from acting for the sake of its security in coordination with the United States and drag it into the abyss in the service of private interests. This must be stopped. Netanyahu realizes that a "revitalized Palestinian Authority" means losing Ben-Gvir and Smotrich and hastening his government's end. Israel needs different leadership. There must be an early election. This will happen when the rage of the families of the hostages, the communities of the evacuees, the reservists and the large numbers of Israelis who remember October 7 well erupts.

Israelis ask me: "What do I, the ordinary citizen, know that Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot don't know? And President Isaac Herzog and Yisrael Beiteinu party chair Avigdor Lieberman? As long as I haven't heard them, the time has presumably not yet come."

Gantz and Eisenkot are considering leaving the government and the war cabinet, which they joined on October 11, at a time when the war cabinet still faces crucial decisions. I have a proposal for them: Demand that a date be set for an early general election, in June at the latest. Don't leave the governing coalition, but call for the creation of a majority in the Knesset that supports this. If Netanyahu dares to fire you, the "night of Gallant" – the spontaneous protests that erupted March 26, 2023, hours after Netanyahu announced he was firing Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, a decision the prime minister was forced to reverse as a result – will pale in comparison to the storm that will follow.

If you don't do so, you will struggle to explain to yourselves why you refrained from removing the cork that prevented us from winning a war that you, Gadi, predicted so accurately, and that under Netanyahu's leadership could indeed become an existential threat to Israel.